Vol. XIX · Annotated history

Truth, Saga
& Legend

What’s documented, what’s tradition, what’s storyteller’s flourish.
An annotated history of Gytha.

The premise

Gytha left no book, no letter and no seal. She is in the record only as a mother asking for things — a body, a city, a ship — and almost everything we know about the year that took her sons was written by the men who won it. This page sorts what the independent record says from what only the Norman or saga writers say, and from what later centuries added.

The English spine is the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, in its C, D and E manuscripts, with John of Worcester working from a lost version of it in the twelfth century. It gives the family’s hard points with dates: the exile of 1051, the return of 1052, Godwin’s collapse at Easter 1053, the double ceremony of 6 January 1066, Stamford Bridge and Hastings, the siege of Exeter, and one sentence for Gytha herself — out to Flat Holm with the wives of many good men, then over sea to Saint-Omer.

The second register is the conquerors’. William of Poitiers, the duke’s chaplain, wrote the Gesta Guillelmi within a decade of Hastings; he is the only source for the gold offer and the shore burial. The Carmen de Hastingae Proelio adds a cliff-top grave and a mocking epitaph, and Orderic Vitalis, writing two generations later, supplies most of what is known of Exeter in 1068. The Scandinavian sagas, written in the thirteenth century, give the family’s Danish side — and the offer at Stamford Bridge.

The third register is what came after: the bread that choked Godwin, Edith Swan-neck on the field, Harold carried to Waltham. Some of it is Norman slander, some of it is a monastery’s claim on a king’s body, and some of it may be true.

Verdicts below: Documented · From the sources · Legend & flourish.

Documented

What multiple independent sources agree on.

She was a Danish noblewoman, sister of Cnut’s brother-in-law, married to Earl Godwin.

Documented Well attested · marriage date approximate

Gytha was the daughter of a Danish chieftain, Thorgils (or Thorkel) Sprakaleg, and the sister of Jarl Ulf, who married Cnut’s sister Estrid and served as Cnut’s regent in Denmark. That made her Cnut’s kinswoman by marriage; Ulf’s son, Sweyn Estridsen — her nephew — would later be King Sweyn II of Denmark.

She married Godwin, the English thegn Cnut raised to be Earl of Wessex, shortly after his service with Cnut in Denmark in 1019–23 — around 1020 is the usual estimate. No source gives the year. Later pedigrees that make her father a grandson of Harald Bluetooth are generally treated as late inventions.

The album’s Daughter of the Danes opens on that marriage.

Sources: Anglo-Saxon Chronicle; John of Worcester; Barlow, The Godwins (2002)

Her youngest son was handed to the king as a hostage in 1051 and spent most of his life a prisoner.

Documented High confidence

In September 1051 Godwin’s quarrel with Edward the Confessor ended in the family’s outlawry. Before the break, hostages were given to the king for Godwin’s good behaviour, among them his youngest son Wulfnoth, then a boy. The family fled — Godwin, Gytha, Sweyn, Tostig and Gyrth to Flanders; Harold and Leofwine to Dublin — and the hostages stayed behind.

Eadmer of Canterbury says the hostages were taken into Normandy, probably by the departing Archbishop Robert of Jumièges, and handed to Duke William. Wulfnoth stayed in Norman custody through 1066 and after. He was released in the general amnesty at the Conqueror’s death in 1087, put back under guard in England by William Rufus, and died a prisoner at Winchester in 1094.

He outlived every one of his brothers. In His Weight in Gold he is Wulfnoth in a Norman cell; in the album’s closer he is the sixth candle, left unlit because he is still alive.

Sources: Anglo-Saxon Chronicle s.a. 1051; Eadmer, Historia Novorum; Barlow (2002); Mason (2004)

Her eldest son died on the road home from a barefoot pilgrimage to Jerusalem.

Documented High confidence · place disputed

Sweyn was the family’s disgrace. In 1046 he abducted the abbess of Leominster; in 1049 he killed his cousin Beorn and was declared a niðing, a man without honour. In 1051 he went from Flanders to Jerusalem barefoot to atone.

He died on the way home, in the autumn of 1052. The sources agree on the journey and disagree on the place: the Chronicle puts his death at Constantinople, John of Worcester in Lycia, and William of Malmesbury has him killed by Saracens. His death is dated to Michaelmas, 29 September 1052 — the same month his family forced its way back into England.

Sources: Anglo-Saxon Chronicle s.a. 1052; John of Worcester; William of Malmesbury

Godwin collapsed at the king’s Easter table in 1053 and died three days later.

Documented High confidence

The Abingdon manuscript of the Chronicle records that at Winchester, on Easter Monday 1053, while Godwin sat with the king at the meal, he suddenly sank toward the footstool, deprived of speech and all his strength. He was carried into the king’s chamber and died on the Thursday, 15 April. He was buried in the Old Minster at Winchester — the church where Emma of Normandy had been buried beside Cnut thirteen months before.

Modern historians read it as a stroke. The more dramatic version, with the bread, came a century later and is marked as legend on this page. The album’s I Never Asked Him sings the Chronicle’s version, and lets Gytha say so.

Sources: Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (C) s.a. 1053

Her son was crowned on the day the old king was buried.

Documented High confidence

Edward the Confessor died on 5 January 1066 and was buried the next day, the Feast of the Epiphany, in his newly consecrated abbey at Westminster. The Chronicle records that Harold was consecrated king the same day. John of Worcester names Westminster for the coronation; the Bayeux Tapestry shows Harold enthroned straight after Edward’s funeral.

So within a single day Gytha’s daughter Edith became a widowed queen and her son Harold became king. Harold struck coins at once: his silver pennies carry the word PAX across the reverse. He reigned for nine months and a week.

Sources: Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (C, D, E) s.a. 1066; John of Worcester; the Bayeux Tapestry

One of her sons died fighting against another son’s army.

Documented High confidence

Tostig, Earl of Northumbria, had been driven out by a Northumbrian revolt in 1065, and Harold had sided with the rebels rather than his brother. In September 1066 Tostig came back with Harald Hardrada of Norway and a great fleet. They beat the northern earls at Fulford and took York.

Harold marched north and met them at Stamford Bridge on 25 September 1066. Hardrada and Tostig were both killed. Gytha lost a son to the army of another son. The parley before the battle — Harold offering his brother his earldom back — is a saga scene, and is listed separately below.

Sources: Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (C, D, E) s.a. 1066; John of Worcester

Three of her sons died together at Hastings.

Documented High confidence

At Hastings on 14 October 1066, Harold II was killed with his brothers Gyrth, Earl of East Anglia, and Leofwine, Earl of Kent. The Chronicle names all three among the dead. The Bayeux Tapestry has a scene captioned for the deaths of Leofwine and Gyrth before the scene of Harold’s fall.

Counting Tostig three weeks earlier, Gytha lost four sons in under a month. His Weight in Gold opens on exactly that arithmetic: three of my sons in one afternoon, and the fourth one three weeks before.

Sources: Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D) s.a. 1066; William of Poitiers; the Bayeux Tapestry

She offered the Conqueror her son’s weight in gold for his body, and he refused.

Documented One contemporary source · the Conqueror’s chaplain

This is the album’s centrepiece, and it rests on a single source. William of Poitiers, chaplain to the duke, writing within a decade of Hastings, says Harold’s mother offered the body’s weight in gold. William refused: he gave the body to William Malet to be buried by the shore, saying it would not be fitting for a man whose greed had left so many unburied to be buried as his mother wished.

Poitiers is contemporary, close to the duke and hostile to the Godwins, and he tells the story to show his master’s justice rather than his cruelty. That is reason to trust that the offer was made — he had no motive to invent a mother’s plea — and reason to hold the duke’s speech loosely. No English source mentions the offer at all.

The scale on screen in the video is the album’s image. The gold is Poitiers’. The refusal is the record.

Sources: William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi (c. 1071–77)

She was in Exeter when the city shut its gates on the Conqueror and held for eighteen days.

Documented Well attested · her role partly inferred

After Hastings Gytha went west, to Exeter, which became the centre of resistance in the south-west. When William demanded the citizens’ oath they refused to swear or let him in, offering only the dues they had paid the old kings. He marched west in the winter of 1067–68. A delegation submitted and gave hostages, but when he reached the city the gates were shut and the walls manned. Orderic says he had one hostage blinded in front of the gate.

The Chronicle says the city held out for eighteen days and that William lost much of his army in the assaults; Orderic adds that the walls were undermined. The clergy came out with their books and relics, and William’s terms were lenient. Rougemont castle went up inside the walls afterwards.

That Gytha was inside is consistent across the sources; how far she led the defiance is not recorded. Orderic says she sent to other towns and to her nephew Sweyn of Denmark for help. The album’s Close the Gates of Exeter gives her the wall.

Sources: Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D) s.a. 1067/8; John of Worcester; Orderic Vitalis, Historia Ecclesiastica

She left England by water with “the wives of many good men,” and went into exile in Flanders.

Documented High confidence · the Chronicle’s one sentence

Her one appearance in the English record is a single sentence of the D manuscript of the Chronicle: Gytha, Harold’s mother, went out to Flat Holm, and the wives of many good men with her, and stayed there some while, and went from there over sea to Saint-Omer.

Flat Holm is a small bare island in the Bristol Channel. Harold’s sons were gathering ships in Ireland and raided the west in 1068 and 1069; waiting there for them makes sense, though the Chronicle does not say why she waited. Saint-Omer is where, a generation earlier, a monk of Saint-Bertin had written Emma of Normandy’s book. Gytha’s death is not recorded. John of Worcester has her retire to Flanders in 1067, a year earlier than the siege; the dating of these entries is not secure.

Sources: Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D) s.a. 1067/8

Her daughter went into exile with her and died in Bruges, under a lead plate that tells the story.

Documented Physical evidence · High confidence

Gunhild, Gytha’s unmarried daughter, left England with her mother — probably in 1068 or 1069 — and went first to Saint-Omer, where her memorial says she stayed a few years, then to Bruges. She visited Denmark, returned to Bruges, and died there on 24 August 1087. She was buried in the church of St Donatian, to which she gave relics and a psalter glossed in Old English.

A lead plaque buried with her records her life and exile. It is the family’s only surviving account of the exile in something like its own words, and it is a daughter’s, not a mother’s.

Sources: Gunhild’s lead plaque, St Donatian’s, Bruges (1087); PASE Domesday, Gunnhild 4

From the sources

One witness, usually from the winning side or the sagas. Plausible, often vivid, and never confirmed by an English source.

Cnut had her brother killed in a church at Christmas.

From the sources Saga-only

The saga says that at Roskilde at Christmas 1026, after a quarrel over a game of chess the night before, Cnut sent a housecarl to kill Jarl Ulf in Holy Trinity church — the predecessor of Roskilde Cathedral. Ulf’s widow, Cnut’s own sister Estrid, is said to have given the church lands in compensation.

That Ulf died around then and fell out with Cnut after the battle of Helgeå is broadly accepted. The church, the chess game and the housecarl are Snorri’s, two centuries later, and have the shape of a told story. The album’s Daughter of the Danes keeps the killing off screen — a door, a candle — and lets Gytha hear of it at an English feast.

Sources: Snorri Sturluson, Saga of St Olaf (Heimskringla), c. 1230

Before Stamford Bridge, Harold rode out and offered his brother his earldom back.

From the sources Saga-only

In Snorri’s telling, before the battle twenty English horsemen ride up to the Norwegian line and one of them offers Tostig a third of the kingdom if he will change sides. Asked what Hardrada would get, the rider answers: seven feet of English ground, or as much more as he is taller than other men. Tostig refuses, and only afterwards does Hardrada learn the rider was Harold himself.

It is one of the most famous scenes of 1066 and it is literature — the anonymous king, the perfect line, the reveal. No English source has it. The album’s One Son Killed the Other stages the offer as the mother imagines it, and never quotes it as fact.

Sources: Snorri Sturluson, Saga of Harald Hardrada (Heimskringla), c. 1230

She called on her Danish nephew, and the Danish fleet of 1069 came for her.

From the sources One source · the link is inference

Orderic says that while she was in Exeter Gytha sought help from other towns and from her nephew Sweyn II of Denmark — Ulf’s son. In late summer 1069 a large Danish fleet under Sweyn’s brother Asbjørn and his sons entered the Humber, joined the English rebels and took York. William later bought them off with silver and leave to forage the coast, and they sailed home.

The fleet is certain. That it sailed because Gytha asked is not: Sweyn had his own claim to England, and no source connects his fleet to her letter. The album’s My Brother’s Son Sent Ships sings the connection as her hope, and this page marks it as inference.

Sources: Orderic Vitalis, Historia Ecclesiastica; Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D, E) s.a. 1069

Harold was buried on a cliff by the sea, under an epitaph telling him to guard the shore.

From the sources Single Norman source · date disputed

William of Poitiers says the body was buried by the shore. The Carmen de Hastingae Proelio goes further: the duke had Harold buried on the summit of a cliff, with an epitaph in mockery — that by the duke’s command he lies there as a king, so that he might still be guardian of the shore and sea.

The Carmen’s authorship and date are among the hard problems of 1066. If it is Guy of Amiens writing within a year or two, it is a near-contemporary witness; if it is a twelfth-century school exercise, it is not. Either way it is a Norman joke at a dead king’s expense. The album’s outro to His Weight in Gold takes the epitaph and turns it into his mother’s blessing.

Sources: Carmen de Hastingae Proelio; William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi

Legend & flourish

Where monks and Normans finished the story — and the liberties the album takes on purpose.

Godwin choked on a piece of bread after swearing he had not killed Alfred.

Legend Twelfth-century legend

The story goes that at the king’s table Godwin was accused, again, of the death of Edward’s brother Alfred in 1036, took a piece of bread and swore it would choke him if he were guilty — and it did. It is the version told by Aelred of Rievaulx and other twelfth-century writers, a century after the event, and it reads as Norman-era moralising against the Godwin house.

The Chronicle written at the time says only that he sank toward the footstool, lost his speech, and died three days later. I Never Asked Him opens on the legend and has Gytha reject it: I was there. It was bread. The question of Alfred, which the record never settles, is the one she never asked.

Sources: Aelred of Rievaulx and other twelfth-century writers; contrast Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (C) s.a. 1053

Edith Swan-neck found Harold’s body on the field by marks only she knew.

Legend Late monastic tradition · c. 1177

The canons of Waltham, Harold’s own foundation, told it this way a century after the battle: two of their brethren went to the field to recover the king, could not recognise him among the dead, and fetched Edith, called Swan-neck, his long-time partner, who knew him by secret marks on his body. The body was then carried to Waltham.

It is a moving story, and its purpose was the abbey’s claim to the king. No eleventh-century source has it, and the Norman writers have the body buried by the shore. Edith Swan-neck herself is real — Harold’s partner in the Danish fashion, more danico, and the mother of several of his children — but the scene on the field is the Waltham tradition’s. The album’s She Knew Him by the Marks stages it as legend, and has Gytha send for her.

Sources: Waltham Chronicle (De Inventione Sanctae Crucis, c. 1177)

King Harold lies buried at Waltham Abbey.

Legend Unprovable · rival traditions

Waltham Abbey shows a stone marking where Harold is said to lie, at the east end of the vanished choir. The claim goes back to the abbey’s own twelfth-century chronicle; William of Malmesbury also knew of it. Against it stand the Norman sources, which put him in a grave by the sea, and a separate local tradition at Bosham, where a coffin found under the chancel arch in 1954 has been argued over since.

No grave of Harold has been identified. The album does not choose: Gytha’s song is about not being given one.

Sources: Waltham Chronicle (c. 1177); William of Poitiers; Carmen de Hastingae Proelio

What the album invents.

Legend The album’s own liberties

Everything Gytha says on this album is the album’s. She left no words. Specific inventions: the scale and the gold ring-brooch on screen in His Weight in Gold; her presence on the field in She Knew Him by the Marks; the messenger at the Christmas feast in Daughter of the Danes; her walking Exeter’s wall; the candles, one for each son, and the sixth left dark; and the three words she speaks across the album.

Where the album stages a saga or Norman scene — the offer at Stamford Bridge, the epitaph, Edith on the field — it stages it as the story told about her family, and this page says so. It never puts a fact in the record that the record does not have.

A note on stance

Why the album holds the position it does

Vol. XIX takes the Chronicle as bedrock and treats the Norman writers as hostile witnesses who are nonetheless usually right about what happened in front of them. Where the album sings something only one side reports — the gold, the epitaph, the offer to Tostig — it sings it in Gytha’s voice, and this page says whose report it is.

If you want the cautious version, you get a great lady of the old regime who lost her family to a dynastic war and went into exile with her property gone. If you want the album’s version, you get a mother who was refused even the right to bury her children — and who answered it by shutting a city.

Vol. XIX is the sequel to Emma of Normandy: Emma wrote her own record; Gytha is the woman nobody wrote down. This page is so you can see how little they left of her, and where it is.

Sources & further reading

What the album draws from, and modern scholarship for digging deeper.

Primary sources

  • The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (MSS C, D and E) Composite English annals · entries 1051–1068

    The English framework for nearly every date on this page: the 1051 exile, Sweyn’s death on the road from Jerusalem, Godwin’s collapse at Easter 1053 (C), Harold’s consecration, Stamford Bridge and Hastings, and the D text’s single sentence on Gytha’s escape to Flat Holm and Saint-Omer. Terse, sometimes partisan between manuscripts, and never interested in her.

  • John of Worcester, Chronicon ex chronicis Worcester monk · early twelfth century

    A Latin chronicle built on a lost version of the Chronicle, with extra detail on 1066 and on Exeter. Places Gytha’s retirement to Flanders in 1067. Valuable but secondhand; where it adds to the Chronicle, it is a generation removed.

  • William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi Chaplain to William the Conqueror · c. 1071–77

    The duke’s official life, written to justify the Conquest. The sole source for Harold’s mother offering the body’s weight in gold, and for the body being given to William Malet for burial by the shore. Close to events and hostile to the Godwins. The manuscript is lost; the text survives in André Duchesne’s printed edition of 1619.

  • Carmen de Hastingae Proelio Latin verse on Hastings · attributed to Guy, bishop of Amiens · date debated

    A Norman poem on the battle that has Harold buried on a cliff-top with a mocking epitaph — that he should guard the shore and sea. Its date and authorship are disputed: some scholars place it within a year of Hastings, others in the twelfth century.

  • Orderic Vitalis, Historia Ecclesiastica Anglo-Norman monk · written c. 1114–41

    The fullest account of Exeter in 1068: Gytha’s appeals to other towns and to her nephew Sweyn of Denmark, the hostages, the man blinded before the gate, the mining of the wall. English-born and fair-minded, but writing fifty years after the event.

  • Eadmer, Historia Novorum in Anglia Canterbury monk · early twelfth century

    The source for the hostages of 1051 being taken into Normandy, and for Harold’s later attempt to recover them. One of the few writers to take an interest in Wulfnoth.

  • Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla Icelandic saga history · c. 1230

    Two centuries after the events. The source for Cnut having Ulf killed in church at Roskilde, and for Harold riding out before Stamford Bridge to offer Tostig his earldom and Harald Hardrada seven feet of English ground. Vivid, literary, and unverifiable.

  • The Bayeux Tapestry Embroidered narrative · probably Canterbury work · 1070s

    The Norman story of 1064–66 in wool on linen. It names Gyrth and Leofwine at their deaths and shows Harold falling. Gytha does not appear in it.

  • Gunhild’s lead plaque Bruges · 1087

    The memorial buried with Gytha’s daughter Gunhild in the church of St Donatian, Bruges, recording her exile with her mother, years at Saint-Omer and Bruges, and death on 24 August 1087. The family’s only surviving account of the exile in its own words.

Modern scholarship

  • The Godwins: The Rise and Fall of a Noble Dynasty Frank Barlow · Longman, 2002

    The standard history of the family by the biographer of Edward the Confessor. Sober on the sources, especially good on 1051–53 and on what happened to the survivors.

  • The House of Godwine: The History of a Dynasty Emma Mason · Hambledon and London, 2004

    The fullest modern narrative, including the exiles after 1066, Harold’s sons in Ireland, and the women of the family. The best single book for Gytha’s last years.

  • Queen Emma and Queen Edith: Queenship and Women’s Power in Eleventh-Century England Pauline Stafford · Blackwell, 1997

    The standard study of the two queens either side of Gytha — Emma and Gytha’s daughter Edith — and of the household politics the Godwin women worked within.

  • Harold: The Last Anglo-Saxon King Ian W. Walker · Sutton, 1997

    A careful political biography of Harold, with the family background, the Stamford Bridge campaign and the debate over his burial.

Read online

  • The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Ingram translation) Project Gutenberg · public domain

    The full Chronicle in English, including the entries for 1051–1068.

    gutenberg.org →
  • Gunnhild, daughter of Earl Godwine Prosopography of Anglo-Saxon England (PASE Domesday)

    The scholarly prosopography entry for Gytha’s daughter: the lead plaque, the exile with her mother, Saint-Omer, Bruges and her death in 1087.

    pase.ac.uk →
  • Siege of Exeter (1068) Wikipedia

    Overview of the siege, its sources and its aftermath, including Gytha’s escape down the Exe.

    en.wikipedia.org →
  • Gytha Thorkelsdóttir Wikipedia

    A general overview and quick reference for her family and dates.

    en.wikipedia.org →

Citations on individual claims above point to specific chapters and editions. The list here is the broader context — what to read next if you want to follow the queen out of the song and into the historical record.